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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=91TT0600>
<link 91TT1970>
<link 89TT0757>
<title>
Mar. 25, 1991: Boris Yeltsin:Portrait Of A Populist
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
Mar. 25, 1991 Boris Yeltsin:Russia's Maverick
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 32
COVER STORIES
Portrait of a Populist
</hdr><body>
<p>Though Yeltsin can--and does--still play a crowd like a
virtuoso, he is no brash rabble-rouser
</p>
<p>By David Aikman
</p>
<p> His physical presence never fails to impress. At 6 ft. 4
in., Boris Yeltsin looms over listeners and lecterns, taming
audiences of 1 to 100,000. His ramrod-stiff stance, his thick
silver hair, his deep, slow voice all suggest a coil of
powerful but slow-burning energy. Yet when Yeltsin starts to
speak, the effect is not intimidating but mesmerizing, even
entertaining. He has the touch of a born orator, able to sense
the mood and needs of a crowd and play it for all it's worth.
"When I first came into the room," he told a dinner audience
high in a Dallas skyscraper during his U.S. visit in 1989, "I
thought I was attending the Miss America contest." Delighted
giggles from the women; knowing chuckles from their escorts.
The audience was captivated, and Yeltsin's great putty face
began its expressive dance through another speech.
</p>
<p> Yeltsin's rapport with audiences is as instinctive with
socialites in Chicago as it is with construction workers in his
native Sverdlovsk. That remarkable skill constitutes a
breakthrough in an unwritten, decades-old rule of Soviet
politics that inhibits leaders from relating emotionally with
their audiences. If a speaker connects, after all, the
implication is that the views of the audience count, that
persuasion is involved, that the audience, heaven forbid,
actually has something to communicate back to the stage.
Yeltsin has tapped the desperate yearning of Russians to be
taken seriously by their leaders, to be spoken to rather than
lectured at. He is thus not simply the most popular
contemporary Russian political figure by far, but also the
first genuinely popular Russian political figure since the
Bolshevik Revolution.
</p>
<p> Though Yeltsin fits the label of populist, he possesses a
depth of character and an integrity that make him much more
than a Huey Long in a Siberian fur hat. Like many populists,
Yeltsin has made his share of rash promises--to provide all
Muscovites with an apartment by the year 2000, say, or to
achieve a measurable improvement in living standards in two
years. But unlike most, Yeltsin has taken his political lumps
and recovered from them. He has perceptibly matured from the
brash, almost bullying Moscow party boss of 1987, who boasted
that he fired 40% of the party hacks who ran the city. Says
Mikhail Poltaranin, a Yeltsin adviser who edited the
pro-Yeltsin Moskovskaya Pravda in 1987: "When he was being
attacked, he had to defend himself, and it was very unnerving.
He made mistakes. Nowadays he's more balanced, calmer, more
sure of himself."
</p>
<p> How serious is Yeltsin's conversion to liberal democracy?
The hard-to-please Muscovite intelligentsia were deeply
skeptical of Yeltsin at first. After all, as Moscow party boss
he actually received a boisterous delegation from Pamyat, the
openly anti-Semitic Russian ultranationalist organization. But
suspicion turned to respect after Yeltsin won election to the
Congress of People's Deputies in 1989 by winning 5 million out
of the 5.5 million votes cast in Moscow.
</p>
<p> Yeltsin's popularity stems partly from the impression he
conveys that he understands the daily frustrations of Russian
life. Nothing has endeared him more to ordinary people than his
denunciation of the privileges of the political elite. In his
autobiography, Against the Grain, Yeltsin describes the
opulence of the Politburo villa that he was offered (and turned
down) in 1987, wickedly reminding readers along the way that
the house had once been assigned to Mikhail Gorbachev. As party
first secretary in Sverdlovsk during the 1970s, Yeltsin enjoyed
the same perks that Gorbachev received in Stavropol province
in the south. But while Gorbachev took to the privileges like
an English earl to a grouse-shooting party, Yeltsin seemed to
feel he had got them by sneaking over the earl's fence.
</p>
<p> Yeltsin is impulsive and can be downright cavalier in
personal relations. The carpet outside his presidential office
in the Byely Dom (literally, White House), the Russian Supreme
Soviet building on the Moscow River, must have been worn thin
by the pacing of visitors who never got to see him at the
appointed hour. Yet Yeltsin genuinely loves people and thrives
on contact with them. Says he: "If I don't meet with people for
a time, I start getting nervous."
</p>
<p> What motivates Yeltsin above all else is his sense that he
is a player in the drama of history. By calling for Gorbachev's
resignation on television last month, Yeltsin believed he was
summoning destiny to his side, helping allow Soviet citizens
to make their own choices about their country's future.
Gorbachev deserves the credit for setting the Soviet Union free
from its repressive past, but Yeltsin may yet get the credit
for breaking the Kremlin's present-day grip on the union
itself.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>